The Obama Administration’s Policy Adjustments toward ASEAN

Ma Ying   2010/12/22 source：

 The United States did not have an overall strategy toward the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) for a long time. In its bilateral relations with ASEAN member countries, it focused mainly on the old members while paying less attention to the new ones, which exerted a negative impact upon US-ASEAN relations. The Obama administration has set to adjust US policy toward ASEAN along the direction of changing tough unilateral doings and giving more play to “soft power” in its relations with ASEAN countries.

First, strengthen cooperation and upgrade America’s overall relations with ASEAN.

Unlike former US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice who was always absent from ASEAN conferences with its partners for dialogue and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), Hillary Clinton, after taking office as Secretary of State, called on the ASEAN Secretariat on her first visit to ASEAN in February 2009, showing the importance the Obama administration attaches to ASEAN. The US signed with ASEAN the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia in July of the same year, and the latter agreed to accept the US to join the East Asia Summit and to participate in the ASEAN Defense Ministry Meeting Plus. Also, the US-ASEAN summit has been held twice since 2009, which institutionalizes US-ASEAN dialogue.

Second, give prominence to its bilateral relations with Indonesia and Vietnam.

On the basis of promoting its bilateral relations in a comprehensive manner with ASEAN countries, the Obama administration has enhanced in particular its ties with Indonesia and Vietnam, the former being the biggest country among ASEAN’s old members while the latter the largest one among the new members. By strengthening its relations with them, the US is in a favorable situation to apply the experience gained thereof to the whole organization.

 It is out of strategic necessity and feasibility that the Obama administration attaches great importance to Indonesia and hopes to establish a strategic partnership with it as early as possible. First, Indonesia is the most populous Muslim nation in the world, and it has gone through a successful democratic transformation after the Asian financial crisis in 1997 to become the world’s third-largest democracy. Its experiences have a demonstrative effect for the US to promote democracy in the Muslim world and other regions, especially at a time when the Obama administration badly wants to improve its relations with the Muslim countries so that it can shift its focus of counter-terrorism to Afghanistan. On his visit to Egypt in 2009, President Obama sent out friendly messages to the Muslim world. To realize its goal of developing a friendly relationship with the Muslim world, the US must enhance its relations with Indonesia, because its role as a bridge is indispensable. Besides, Indonesia’s policy orientation and democratic development have global significance for along with the rise of China and India, Southeast Asia, located in between China, India and Japan, carries increasingly prominent geostrategic significance. Being an emerging world-class new economy, a member of the G20, the largest country in Southeast Asia and the seat of the ASEAN Secretariat, Indonesia possesses a decisive position and plays a leading role. The development of US-Indonesian relationship is not only vital for America’s overall relations with ASEAN, but also for America’s endeavor to balance the major powers in ASEAN’s neighborhood. Third, extreme Islamist organizations in Indonesia are still very active and often launch terrorist attacks mainly aimed at Westerners, which makes it an anti-terror center for the US in Southeast Asia. In particular, there are still elements of insecurity in the Malacca Straits, which is adjacent to Indonesia and vital for the US. Therefore, it is of great significance for Washington to enhance security cooperation with Indonesia, both for counter-terrorism and safeguarding American strategic interests. Fourth, the greenhouse effect and environmental deterioration are the gravest challenge common to mankind and all countries in the world today. Strengthening cooperation in environmental protection with the international community to curb the worsening of the greenhouse effect is one of the top priorities of the Obama administration in its “diplomatic New Deal”. Indonesia ranks first in marine biodiversity and second in land biodiversity in the world. It is also one of the major emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2). Therefore, the US can do nothing in its environmental diplomacy without cooperation with Indonesia.

The US needs to break off its original policy barriers of focusing mainly on ASEAN’s old members while paying less attention to the new ones and develop relations in a comprehensive manner with ASEAN as well as each of its member countries. It may put more emphasis on some countries but should not disfavor or discriminate against some others, for that would jeopardize its overall relations with ASEAN. America takes the promotion of American-Vietnamese relations as a point of breakthrough to improve its ties with ASEAN’s new members, because Vietnam was once the “leader” of the three Indo-Chinese countries and has until now maintained a very close relationship with the other two countries, Laos and Cambodia, exerting considerable influence on both their internal and foreign policies. Moreover, it has a sound relationship with Myanmar. Hence, the enhancement of American-Vietnamese relations has not only a traction effect on America’s relations with ASEAN’s other new members; moreover, it is of great significance for the US. Firstly, since the implementation of its opening-up and reform policies, Vietnam has witnessed sustained and rapid development in its economy, becoming one of the newly-emerging economies of VISTA (i.e., Vietnam, Indonesia, South Africa, Turkey, and Argentina). It would in the near future grow into the second largest economy in Southeast Asia next only to Indonesia. Secondly, like Indonesia and other countries in Southeast Asia, Vietnam is also a sea-bordering country, carrying very important geostrategic significance. Therefore, the Obama administration regards it as a potential strategic partner.

Third, adopt a more flexible approach on the Myanmar issue.

The Bush administration carried out a policy of high pressure, not only imposing severe sanctions against the Myanmar military regime but also putting pressure on ASEAN countries, demanding they act in line with American policies and actions. As a result, instead of producing any effect, America’s unrea­sonable hard-line policies suffered criticism and resistance from ASEAN and its members, and even from many other Asian countries, which put America itself into a passive and em­barrassing position. American public opinion also criticized the Bush administration for its unwise policy to the effect that such policy had gained nothing except making itself a “hostage” of Myanmar’s opposition party. Drawing some lessons from this, the Obama administration has dealt with the Myanmar issue with softer means, loosening its tense relations with Myanmar and dialogue with Myanmar. 

Fourth, intervene in the disputes over South China Sea.

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton spoke at ARF held in July 2010 that America reaffirms the importance of regional peace and stability, maritime security, unimpeded commerce, and freedom of navigation, in accordance with relevant universally agreed principles of international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and other international maritime law, and the peaceful settlement of disputes of South China Sea. She emphasized the long-standing US goals for maritime dispute resolution and freedom of navigation in the area based on international law and a multilateral approach, and demanded “a collaborative diplomatic process by all claimants for resolving the various territorial disputes without coercion.” Clinton’s intervention has shown that the US is deploying its top Asia hands. The position US has taken in the South China Sea has complicated the situation in this region, and has internationalized and multilateralized the disputes over the South China Sea. This is also intended to make ASEAN as a whole to lean on the US.

Finally, the Obama administration’s adjustment of America’s policy toward ASEAN is to a large extent aimed at changing its passive position to regain the initiative in its contention for influence in Southeast Asia with other major powers and prevailing over them. Its main idea is to enhance America’s competitive status against China, whom the US has always viewed as its strongest competitor in Southeast Asia. Facing the fact that China has achieved great progress in its diplomacy toward ASEAN countries in recent years and has overtaken the US in many aspects, the US felt sour and sensed the urgency for strengthening its relationship with ASEAN. The Obama administration has the obvious intention of counterbalancing China when it adjusts its ASEAN policy, enhances its relations with ASEAN and its members, and, in particular, upgrades its ties with ASEAN’s leading members, Indonesia and Vietnam. It will compete with China mainly by means of “smart power” diplomacy, i.e., it would seek its competitive advantages over China through enhancing American-ASEAN relations and America’s influence on ASEAN rather than forcing China out of Southeast Asia.